![]()
http://www.mediaculture-online.de
Autor: Hoffmann, Dagmar/ McGee, Laura.
Titel: Cultural and Social Aspects of Smoking in Adolescence – New Strategies for a Media Non-Smoking Campaign.
Quelle: Überarbeitetes Vortragsmanuksript. Internationaler Workshop der Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung. Köln 2003.
Die Veröffentlichung erfolgt mit freundlicher Genehmigung der Autorinnen.
Dagmar Hoffmann / Laura McGee
Cultural and Social Aspects of Smoking in Adolescence – New Strategies for a Media Non-Smoking Campaign
In this paper we begin by establishing sociological and psychological perspectives on the social development of adolescents in a modernized society as they pertain to the development of addictive behaviours such as smoking. In a second part we describe previous non-smoking campaigns in Germany and evaluate them in brief. We then present the results of an exploratory study conducted at the Academy for Film and Television “Konrad Wolf” in Potsdam-Babelsberg and with students at the University of Technology in Chemnitz. Both groups evaluated the most recent German non-smoking spot called “Blümchen”. In conducting this study, our goal was to determine how one can reach young people in a convincing way and address a clear message with a long term effect. The results indicate the relevance of everyday life of adolescents, developmental pressure and age-typical worries. In reference to this we suggest effective criteria for a media non smoking campaign.
The aim of a mass media campaign should be long-term effects and the prevention of the early onset of damaging behaviour. Therefore it is necessary to know something about the social environment of adolescents in general und the emergence of at-risk behaviour among young people. Sociologists have long sought to identify the conditions that affect adolescents. There are numerous studies that describe the social structure of the world of teenagers and the cultural forces at work in their lives, many of which analyze conditions against the backdrop of social developments and suggest associated theories (Griese & Mansel, 2003). In addition, political and social attitudes we well as personal values (Hoffmann & Boehnke) remain focal points of research among social scientists (see Deutsche Shell, 2002). Researchers continue to examine the conditions under which young people are growing up – especially problematic behavior such as violence, delinquency, and drug abuse. Unfortunately, behavior such as teenage smoking that is generally recognized as being negative is not often the topic of research among social scientists (Hackauf & Winzen, 2002, BZgA, 2001, 2003). It is assumed that this is a result of the fact that smoking enjoys a relatively high rate of acceptance in German culture. Only recently has smoking been considered a more serious problem. On the one hand, smoking is believed to be a risk to the health of young people, but on the other hand, smoking is not felt to lie outside the realm of common activity and analyses of smoking are seen in larger studies only marginally (see review by Ittel 2003). In addition, health studies of youth are still rather rudimentary, i.e., they do not given enough attention to the relevance of somatics, physical aspects, and wellness (Hübner-Funk, 2003). Only recently have we seen a more sensitized attitude toward the topic of smoking among researchers of adolescence, allowing us to look forward to more serious studies. Currently the basis of such research is seriously lacking. In 1998 for the first time a renowned entity – the Robert Koch Institute – initiated a study regarding the health of children and adolescents – a study that considered aspects of a healthy life style and risk behaviours such as smoking (Bergmann, Kamtsiuris & Bellach, 1999). The collection of data among 18,000 children and adolescents age 0 to 18 all over Germany began just weeks ago (see http://www.kinder-jugend-gesundheit21.de/ for an update on the study / accessed July 25 2003).
It is generally agreed that the socialisation of youth in a modern society is a complex and multi-dimensional process in which many socialisation agents affect personality and values development. Based on the lack of research findings, it is relatively difficult to identify reliable indicators that directly promote an affinity to smoking and that can be used to predict the onset of this at-risk behaviour. Nevertheless, before any anti-smoking campaign can be initiated, several principal motives for smoking by adolescents must be identified. In this regard some general descriptions of the life and the development of young people and especially of their conduct in relation to their use of drugs and tobacco are necessary.
Young people in the 21st century are influenced in their development by many different factors. They live in multi-faceted social and cultural contexts that offer them important social interaction and promote their development, but can also hinder them under certain circumstances (Hoffmann & Kersten, 2002). It is assumed that the youth of today choose their own circumstances of growing up to a great extent. They move for the most part in social circles that offer them a promise of conquering the developmental challenges they face. From a developmental point of view, adolescence can be seen as a transitional phase between childhood and adulthood, as a moratorium phase, or as an independent phase of identity formation. All these conceptualisations have in common that they see adolescence as a dynamic process. To summarize, in this process adolescents have to construct a personality, internalise a life-style orientation, a political orientation, and a positive outlook for the future. If they could not develop in this way because of a lack of self-confidence or other circumstances, they are adolescents at risk. We speak then of developmental pressures.
Twenty years ago, German psychologists Kastner and Silbereisen (1984) were able to show by means of their first longitudinal studies that drug use in adolescence is clearly related to developmental pressures. They ascertained that the use of drugs (including cigarettes) can assume developmental relevance in six ways, specifically as:
a deliberate norm violation exhibited to demonstrate autonomy
a developmental task in itself, testing whether the adolescent is able to behave like an adult
excessive or ritualised behaviour in the sense of testing the (or one’s) limits
a lack of self-control and thus an indicator of “underdevelopment”
an age-related lifestyle, aimed at improvement of peer group integration
an emergency reaction to age-related everyday stress, thus a developmentally relevant coping strategy.
These are some fundamental motivations for smoking and it is important to mention that these have two dimensions: an individual dimension and a social dimension. Some of these motivations are primarily individual: the desire to demonstrate autonomy, behave like an adult or test the limits. Others depend on social contexts: living or sharing a special life style, integration in a peer group, scene or subculture. Prevention strategies that problematise the individual reasons for smoking will presumably be more promising than those that attempt to “liberate” young people from their peer environment, i.e., from peer pressure. Research among adolescents has determined that peer influence is a decisive factor in the realm of consumption and in the reception of the media, and that traditional socialization factors come into conflict with peers at increasing frequency (Barthelmes & Sander, 2001; Hoffmann, 2002; Vogelgesang, 2001) but gradually but distinctly lose importance in the mid-adolescent phase. In a survey conducted by the Federal Centre for Health Education (2003, p.23) two-thirds of the young people aged 12 to 25 years who smoked and were interviewed indicated that smoking was „contagious.“ One finding is surprising, namely, that this motivation was also listed highest by non-smoking youths among reasons for not smoking. One in five young smokers is of the opinion that one’s peer environment encourages one to start smoking. Smoking as a means of coping is ranked lower in both groups. However, half of smokers believe that a cigarette can have a calming influence. In contrast, nearly 90% of the young smokers find that dubious. The notion that smoking is a habitual behavior and that a break from smoking strengthens one’s sense of good health was mentioned by more than 40% of the young smokers, but only 6% of the young non-smokers.
It is clear from the available findings that smoking takes place within social contexts and often begins there. For example, drugs are a part of the techno, punk, and reggae scene. It is hard to imagine being at a techno party without using drugs and having fun (Tossmann, Boldt & Tensil, 2001). Thus, some adolescents smoke because they believe it will help them to be accepted by peers and to be part of a popular group. This motivation is one of the most important. Cigarettes are a symbol of membership in a group and smoking in many places also an element of life style. The smoking status of one’s friends has been found by researchers to be a very strong – perhaps the strongest – predictor of the smoking status of all adolescent groups (Hackauf & Winzen, 2002). Having best friends who were cigarette smokers resulted in a two-fold increase in the risk of current smoking.
It is interesting to note which convictions lead to a long-term resistance to smoking, so that adolescents are able to successfully refrain from the temptation to smoke, even in social situations. To better understand this, it makes sense to know more about the values, and in particular the awareness of the body in adolescents. Three years ago, the Shell Study of Adolescents indicated that attractiveness and appearance play a very important role in the self-concept of adolescents. Girls find physical attractiveness (i.e. beauty) more important than boys do. In particular girls between the ages of 15 and 17 are of the opinion that it is important and desirable to retain one’s attractiveness even 20 to 30 years from now (Fritsche 2000). Two years later, when asked what is “in,” 88% of the young people surveyed between the ages of 12 and 25 years answered “looking great” (Linnen, Leven & Hurrelmann 2002, p. 77). Personal appearance finds its place near the top of a ranked list, even above career, technology and faithfulness (Linnen et. al.). Among other things, these values should be given consideration in developing a concept for a preventive campaign.
In the section that follows we examine addiction prevention media advertisements of the Federal Centre for Health Education in the past ten years. Among these are non-smoking media spots. We consider content and messages, as well as elements designed for specific target groups and modes of addressing these groups.
Since its founding in 1967, the Federal Centre for Health Education has provided the public with information about health risks and promoted healthy life styles. In order to provide a baseline for new strategies for a media non-smoking campaign, we will examine strategies underlying television and movie theatre spots produced in the last decade. In 1992 and 1993 the ads were run under the motto “Tough — not addicted!” and “You’re tough without drugs!”[i] The ads focused on the conditions for life and development among children and adolescents and the potential dangers and risks connected with those conditions. The campaign was designed to demonstrate to parents and children that “successful” personal development, i.e., a healthy self-image, a high rate of competence in daily life situations, and a good dose of autonomy tend to keep children and adolescents from abusing drugs. On the other hand, when children and adolescents confront difficult circumstances, are socially isolated, or cannot deal adequately with various stages of development, they are in greater danger or more likely to become abusers of legal as well as illegal drugs. These ads of the early 1990s were meant to enlighten parents regarding the causes of drug abuse. They appealed to one’s sense of parental accountability with the goal of motivating parents to provide sufficient material and social resources to help the children develop adequate competence in real-life situations to cope with the demands of society, so that they would not be tempted to use drugs to master stress and frustration. This initial series of movie theater and TV ads for the prevention of drug abuse consisted of 12 spots that lasted from 60 to 74 seconds each, attempting to present contemporary situations confronting young people and thus to show that a positive attitude toward life and true self-control can only be achieved without drugs.
This first campaign against addiction was followed in 1994 and 1995 by a series of TV and movie theater ads that explicitly targeted smoking. However, this campaign was not directed at a specific age group, but was designed to impress on all viewers that smokers often underestimate the dangers to health caused by smoking, that smokers treat non-smokers with no consideration at all, and that their justifications for their smoking habit have not been well thought through. A total of four animated features of about 30 seconds duration each caricatured and poked fun at dialogs and interaction between smokers and non-smokers. Three more animated ads metaphorically dealt with this topic, representing smoking as unnecessary and useless, as well as behind-the-times. The motto of these ads, each featuring a fairy-tale dragon as the protagonist, was “You can live without smoking!”[ii]
Two years later another series of three short one-minute ads against addiction in general were run on television and movie theaters. The target audiences were adolescents and adults, especially parents (again). Children and adolescents were artistically portrayed in athletic activities. A mixture of scenes showed interactions and situations in such sports as soccer, volleyball, and track and field — scenes lacking the verbal medium. The protagonists were girls and boys in contact with the “tools” of their specific sports against a black background (individually or with others), some of whom were classified under the categories of “winners” or “losers.” A few key words such as “confidence, self-confidence, support,” etc. were carefully inserted. These ads too emphasize the strengthening of the psyche, something that can be done on athletic teams and in society. It is easier for youth who perform well in sports and in challenging daily situations in general to decline drugs. The motto for the 1997 program was “Believe in yourself — not in drugs!”[iii]
The most-recent campaign concentrated again on not smoking under the title “smoke-free.” It was designed primarily for adolescents and young adults. A feature of each ad was a reference to attitudes portrayed in tobacco advertisements: on the one hand, they are de-mystified and on the other hand mocked and shown in a tragic-humorous manner. The intentions of the Federal Centre for Health Education were to demonstrate that “the promises of happiness made in tobacco ads — freedom, enjoyment of nature, beauty and contact with interesting people — are not brought about by smoking” (BzgA, 2002, 41). Two spots address the message of a well-known cigarette ad, examining the credibility of the values it propagates in connection with smoking, such as freedom and independence. The examination incorporates the same beautiful, natural, romantic images found in the smoking ad, but no cowboys are shown, just horses that have survived the smoking cowboys. On another occasion we see a typical cowboy situation: the day’s work is done and the cowboys are not paying attention: after rounding up the wild horses they light up their cigarettes, while the horses break out of the corral and reclaim their freedom. There is also a trilogy featuring a camel, again a parody of the popular slogans of the cigarette industry. The symbol of a specific brand — the camel — is the protagonist of this animated series. The camel is shown reflecting in an almost macabre way, why it has actually objects to smoking and how it is simply being used by the tobacco industry. In addition, this last series includes two spots based on ads for the brand name “West.” These feature foreign cultures and propagate a positive, independent, spiritual life style without cigarettes. The protagonists are a Massay and a Samurai. These ads champion African and Far Eastern life styles: they use familiar counter-images to convince people that smoking does not enhance mental power and does not promote a healthy life.
One recent ad of this last campaign is called “Little Flower” and was produced in 2001. It showcases for the first time the physical results of smoking and the damage to health caused by it. Time-lapse photography shows the premature aging of a beautiful girl who has become a slave to cigarettes. This ad is designed to produce a shock effect through the use of horrifying images. That specific ad is the focus of the following reception study.
In an explorative study involving students of audio-visual media at the Academy for Film and Television “Konrad Wolf” Potsdam-Babelsberg, and a comparison group of students in media communications at the Technical University in Chemnitz, various non-smoking ads were analyzed in regard to their mode of production, credibility, and effect. A number of these, including the “Little Flower” ad, may be viewed on the web site of the Federal Centre for Health Education, at http://www.rauchfrei-kampagne.de/nrspots/altspots/nichtrau.htm. The “Little Flower” ad was the center of this discussion; its content will be described below. The students had selected this ad because unlike other ads, this one had impressed them with its contemporary character. Considering the target audience — adolescents — appeared to them to have the best chance of achieving an effect. Most ads that employed parody and comedy in attacking slogans used in cigarette advertisements were rejected by the students who felt that such ads had a smaller chance of achieving an effect. Of course, several such ads have high entertainment value and draw attention on television and in movie theaters, but it was thought that the ironic and at times indirect messages were lost on younger viewers. Even if the messages were understood, it was not certain to what extent the message was being processed cognitively and could be recalled and thus utilized in daily situations. The “Little Flower” ad on the other hand represented a direct connection between the long-term use of cigarettes and a long-term danger to one’s health.
The ad shows a close-up of the face of a beautiful young girl. The initial focus is on the horizontal line of the mid-face. The prominent blue eyes look directly into the camera and thus directly at the recipient. No change of expression is evident. The face is shown against a light blue background. A French love song is heard in the background. A male voice sings “You are so beautiful!”[iv] Then one hears the sound of a cigarette lighter and a trail of smoke is seen rising across the right side of the face. This half of the face then ages through time-lapse photography, becoming gray; the skin appears to be impure and the glow of the eye of the aging girl disappears. She looks sad and seriously ill. As the ad draws to a close, the face is divided and the original healthy-looking girl re-appears. Her glance is directed upwards to see the slogan “Try it out!”[v] This slogan was taken from a well-known cigarette advertisement.
A total of 26 students age 20 to 29 years analyzed the “Little Flower” ad in regard to mode of production, taking into consideration dramatic methods, aesthetics, sound, color, and authenticity. An attempt was also made to assess the reception of the main message and the general effectivenenss of the ad. Following this analysis, a brain-storming session was held for the formulation of criteria that would have to be satisfied by ads promoting non-smoking among adolescents, in the opinion of the students.
In the estimation of the students, this ad addresses primarily adolescents. Boys and girls are equally targeted. Girls with an enhanced awareness of physical beauty will likely be more immediately affected by this ad. In a more simple, yet impressive way, the message is presented with few stylistic means: “Smoking will damage your appearance over time.” “Smoking will make you sick and your beauty will disappear.” “Smoking will age your skin faster.” “Smoking will make you old and ugly.” The ad is attractive due to its simple, friendly design and the “easy listening” music in the background, while avoiding any pressure or a lecturing mode. In an authentic way an important health-impairing aspect of long-term smoking is represented and this is thought provoking. The protagonist looks natural — apparently a normal teenager. The result is that girls of like age will identify with her. Repeated viewings of the ad yield an increasing awareness of the metaphorical associations: the girls loses her youthfulness and fresh appearance due to her life style. The girl personifies a flower that is quickly wilting.
The majority of the students were of the opinion that the ad enlightens and startles viewers, but that the reactions will be short-lived, because adolescents are confronted only infrequently with the aging process. In addition, many young people assume that they will only smoke for a while and will always be capable of quitting, so that no long-term health damage will occur. The slogan “Try it out!” comes across as a dare that in this case is provocative and sends a double-edged message. The command “Try it out!” actually contradicts the goal of the ad and is thus paradoxical (cf. Watzlawick, 1977). The function of this expression is not distinct, because it has more than one meaning for young people and leaves room for varying interpretations. On the other hand, a positive evaluation is accorded the ad because it recognizes the ability and freedom adolescents have to make their own decisions, i.e. to make up their own minds about using or rejecting cigarettes. Messages that generalize or sound like lectures are not considered contemporary and will likely not speak to teenagers living in a highly individualized society.
In the group discussions the students called for ads that will have a deterrent effect through the use of shocking images. Many of them recalled photographs and reports from biology classes in school that showed people with so-called smoker’s legs and black lungs. They said that such photographs had a lasting effect and are recalled instantly when they think of the damage smoking does to one’s health. Thus it would be a logical conclusion that they would make such associations with similar pictures in an anti-smoking ad. The students suggested that the results of smoking portrayed in “Little Flower” are still relatively harmless, because they do not appear to immediately threaten or even take one’s life. However, it would be necessary to make a solid connection between such frightful pictures and the immediate life and world of young people — not the distant future. Advertisements of an anti-smoking campaign specifically targeting young people must avoid any element of entertainment, joking or humor. This is a serious topic and must be dealt with accordingly — in all seriousness and reality. All of the students considered cartoons to be inappropriate. They felt that cartoons presented the topic from a perspective that is too abstract. Their suggestions included effective pictures that deter through shock, without extensive pedagogical or scientific explanations. The researchers also felt it important that the motto or slogan should be distinct, impressive and easily to recall. A convincing counter-argument to smoking was considered to be helpful, but not easy to find. For example, a youthful life style should be portrayed in the ads — one that would be attractive and “cool” without cigarettes. It was also mentioned that anti-smoking ads could focus on the cost of smoking. However, most students felt that such an approach would have little success, because young people can usually come up with money for the things they feel are truly important. Ads that emphasize the lack of consideration shown by smokers toward non-smokers would have little chance of success. Adolescents have been called “ego tacticians” by researchers on youth socialization (Hurrelmann, 2000): on the one hand they are interested in peaceful coexistence with their social environment, while on the other hand they look for social connections that do not hinder them in their personal development. They appear to be quite self-absorbed, and are not automatically interested in pro-social behavior.
Our initial analysis of the life context(s) and particular developmental challenges of adolescents suggests that it is necessary to produce an ad that is as closely adapted to the world of adolescents as possible, that is truthful and believable and that convincingly problematizes the issue of smoking. Because adolescents increasingly socialize themselves and wish to make their own decisions in this age of greater individualism, it is important to avoid a “preachy tone” in new ads. An ad should have an inviting or encouraging character, but not dictate orders to its recipients. Youth, who tend to be largely self-organising (self managing), react very sensitively to directive messages in the media. The preventive campaigns of the Federal Centre for Health Education to date were able to package their message in an appropriate cognitive and emotionally appealing manner; there is no danger that future media ads will have a strict pedagogical character.
If we consider analyses of recent ads by students in Babelsberg and Chemnitz, then it makes sense to place the values and health consciousness of adolescents at the centre of future ads, without forgetting gender-specific differences regarding the image of the body and ideals of beauty. Even though the choice to smoke is strongly influenced by social components and seems most tempting in social groups, an ad should be addressed to the individual so that the he or she can develop his or her own attitude and way of dealing with the issue.
From the research on advertising effectiveness (Best 1987, Snow & Benford 1988, Brosius & Fahr 1996), it is clear that ads have a strong mobilisation character when they convincingly and realistically problematize an issue (diagnostic framing). In this process, the problem must be clearly formulated and most of all it must be accepted easily. If it is in harmony with the recipient’s own values, this is rather simple. In the case of smoking, the risks can be conveyed descriptively, which makes it possible to appeal to the consciousness of the viewer, i.e. the attention of the viewer can be gained through appropriate images and statements. It can be of advantage to cite proven risks and illnesses associated with the target behaviour, i.e. smoking (Best 1987). Difficulties arise, however, if the risks must be interpreted or have little to do with the life of the recipient. The dangers of smoking should be predictable, otherwise the sense of personal concern and relevance is reduced.
If we let ourselves be guided by the researcher cited above, then it is important for the success of a campaign that the recipient be presented with a positive outlook (prognostic frame), that declares the act of not smoking as a positive one. Adolescents must be directed to possible gratifications for the decision not to smoke and must be able to recognize these. The alternative to smoking must be attractive, since it is – as mentioned above – difficult to resist the use of cigarettes in groups and at cultural activities. Thus, the presentation of alternatives to smoking can be beneficial.
Recognizing and accepting a problem does not mean that one adjusts his or her behaviour or takes a clear position regarding the issue of smoking. Adolescents need motivation (motivational frames) for not succumbing to risky behaviour and for remaining resistant to the temptation to smoke. Reasons for the rejection of smoking must be well founded, in particular in encounters with peers, in order not to be stigmatised or to fall into the position of an outsider in certain groups. It therefore makes sense to appeal to the health and beauty consciousness of adolescents. The autonomy of the individual can also be a convincing argument, as expressed in slogans like “I don’t have to be a copycat!” or “Everybody smokes but me!”
It is certainly a tremendous challenge to create a prevention-oriented ad for television and cinemas that catches the attention of adolescents while effectively sending the message of its producers. In recent years the Federal Centre for Health Education has made significant efforts and tried various approaches to achieving the greatest effect. In our analysis with students in Babelsberg and Chemnitz, a number of such ads were examined for their appeal and effectiveness, with the result that humorous ads were almost unanimously rejected and the majority of participants argued for an ad that appealed to the body awareness of adolescents. The students found shock-oriented ads to be worth considering, in fact quite promising due to their effectiveness. Based on our observations, we wish to make the following recommendations:
It is important to produce an ad that refers to the everyday life and the specific problems of adolescents. The recipients should recognize the film situation and feel a connection due to the relevance of the event presented to their own lives.
It is important that the recipients remain affected even after the ad has ended. An emotional response or reflection should follow the viewing experience.
The ad must have a short, clear message like: “I can live without cigarettes (or smoking)”, “I always have fun without smoking”. The behaviour of a popular actor (or a teen star) could be a good example to young people.
The risks of smoking should enter viewer’s consciousness and the words should make an indelible impression on adolescents. Music can be employed to intensify the effect, as in the “Blümchen” ad. The statement is “You are beautiful”; the music is very catchy and up-to-date, and the voice has a serious character. Much like “Here we go, here we grow!”).
Separate ads should be designed especially for boys and girls because their motivations for smoking are different. The spot “Blümchen” primarily targets girls or young women. It is important to identify an effective approach for a male target group.
Finding a common alternative plan or concept for adolescent life is absolutely necessary.
Barthelmess, Jürgen & Sander, Ekkehard 2001. Erst die Freunde, dann die Medien. Medien als Begleiter in Pubertät und Adoleszenz. Medienerfahrungen von Jugendlichen, Band 2. München.
Bergmann, Karl. E., Kamtsiuris, Panagiotis & Bellach, Bärbel-Maria 1999. Zur Gesundheit der jungen Generation. Wissensbedarf am Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts. In diskurs 2/1999, p.70-75.
Best, Joel 1987. Rhetoric in Claims-making: Constructing the Missing Children Problem. In Social Problems, Vol. 34, No. 2, p. 101-121.
Brosius, Hans-Bernd & Fahr, Andreas 1996. Werbewirkung im Fernsehen. Aktuelle Befunde der Medienforschung. Band 1, Angewandte Medienforschung. München.
Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung 2001. Die Drogenaffinität Jugendlicher in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 2001. Endbericht. Köln.
Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung 2002: TV- und Kinospots zur Sucht-Prävention1992-2001. Videocassette.
Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung 2003. Jugendliche Raucher. Veränderungen des Rauchverhaltens und Ansätze für die Prävention. Ergebnisse der Wiederholungsbefragung „Drogenaffinität Jugendlicher in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 2001“. http://www.bzga.de/bzga_stat/studien/material/jug_rauch.pdf (Accessed July 25 2003)
Deutsche Shell (Hrsg.) 2002. Jugend 2002. Zwischen pragmatischem Idealismus und robustem Materialismus. Frankfurt am Main.
Fritzsche, Yvonne 2000. Moderne Orientierungsmuster: Inflation am „Wertehimmel“ In Deutsche Shell (Hrsg.), Jugend 2000. Band 1. Opladen, p.93-156.
Griese, Hartmut M. & Mansel, J. 2003. Jugendtheoretische Diskurse. In J. Mansel, Hartmut M. Griese & A. Scherr (Ed.), Theoriedefizite der Jugendforschung. Standortbestimmung und Perspektiven. Weinheim und München, p.11-30.
Hackauf, Horst & Winzen, Gerda 2002. Health Trends in Young People within the Unified Europe. In German Youth Institute (Ed.), Growing up in Germany. Living Conditions, Problems and Solutions. Research and Development at the German Youth Institute. München, p.47-69.
Hoffmann, Dagmar 2002. Attraktion und Faszination Medien. Jugendliche Sozialisation im Kontext von Individualisierung und Modernisierung. Münster.
Hoffmann, Dagmar & Boehnke, Klaus (erscheint im Frühjahr 2004). Politische Sozialisation. In G. Sommer & A. Fuchs (Hrsg.), Krieg und Frieden. Handbuch der Konflikt- und Friedenspsychologie. Weinheim.
Hoffmann, Dagmar & Kersten, Fabian 2002. Sozialraumanalysen – ein Überblick. In J.Zinnecker & H. Merkens (Hrsg.), Jahrbuch Jugendforschung 2/2001. Opladen, S. 309 - 325.
Hübner-Funk, Sibylle 2003. Wie entkörperlicht ist die Jugend der Jugendsoziologie? In J. Mansel, Hartmut M. Griese & A. Scherr (Ed.), Theoriedefizite der Jugendforschung. Standortbestimmung und Perspektiven. Weinheim und München, p.67-74.
Hurrelmann, Klaus 2000: Die 10- bis 15-Jährigen – eine unbekannte Zielgruppe? In Televizion 13/2000/2, p. 25-29.
Ittel, Angela (2003). Jugend und Gesundheit. In H. Merkens & J. Zinnecker (Hrsg.), Jahrbuch Jugendforschung 3/2003. Opladen, S. 383-399.
Kastner, Peter & Silbereise, Rainer K. 1984. Drogengebrauch Jugendlicher aus entwicklungspsychologischer Sicht. In Bildung und Erziehung, 37, p. 271-285.
Snow, David A.& Benford, Robert D. 1988. Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization. In B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi & S. Tarrow (Eds.), From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research across Cultures. Greenwich, Conn., p. 197-217.
Tossmann, Peter 2001. The use of drugs within the Techno party scene in European metropolitan cities. A comparative analysis of the situation in Amsterdam, Berlin, Madrid, Prague, Rome, Vienna and Zurich. European Addiction Research, 7, p. 2-23.
Vogelgesang, Waldemar 2001. “Meine Zukunft bin ich!” Alltag und Lebensplanung Jugendlicher. Frankfurt/New York.
Watzlawick, Paul 1977: How real is real: Confusion, Disinformation, Communication. New
York: Vintage-Random.
Endnotes
1 The original German slogans are “Stark statt süchtig” and “Du bist stark ohne Drogen!” In German, the adjective “stark” literally means strong; in this context it refers to the resilience and self-confidence that are found in a healthy personality that has the ability to resist substance abuse. The translator has attempted to be true to the slogan’s intent while retaining the brevity, cleverness and word plays of the original language, therefore not all translations are literal.
[ii] The German is: “Ohne Rauch geht es auch!”
[iii] The German is: “Glaub an dich – nicht an Drogen.”
[iv] The French refrain is: “Tu es si belle.”
[v] The German is: “Test it” and refers to a variant of the same ad “Test the West.”
Alle Rechte, insbesondere das Recht der Vervielfältigung und Verbreitung sowie der Übersetzung, vorbehalten. Kein Teil des Werkes darf in irgendeiner Form (durch Fotokopie, Mikrofilm oder ein anderes Verfahren) ohne schriftliche Genehmigung des Rechteinhabers reproduziert oder unter Verwendung elektronischer Systeme weiterverarbeitet, vervielfältigt oder verbreitet werden.